Read Ukrainian Leftists
We must support consistent anti-imperialism, Ukrainian self-determination, and the Ukrainian left
Editor’s note: as this piece goes to press, Trump is now stating that the US will “take over” Gaza, permanently resettle its population, and “own it”—a mirror image of Putin’s claim that Ukraine does not exist. Liberation Road stands in solidarity with the Palestinian, Ukrainian, and all other oppressed peoples, including the oppressed nationalities within the existing boundaries of the United States and its territories. We must continue to organize against imperialism and in support of self-determination and national liberation for all peoples.
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It has now been three years since Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, escalating a conflict which began in 2014 with its invasion and annexation of Crimea. In the United States, the war has become a Rorschach test into which various forces read their own obsessions. For neoconservatives, the war is the latest chapter in an epic clash of civilizations; for isolationists, a distant regional conflict that needlessly saps American resources. For establishment Democrats, it shows the responsibility of the US to protect its European allies and defend liberalism globally… while for some on the MAGA right, Putin is a flawed but important ally in a global illiberal network waging a “war on woke.”
What unites these seemingly incongruous perspectives is their tendency to view the conflict through a US-centric lens. Viewed from this parochial perspective, the Ukrainian people figure as objects of pity or admiration, but are rarely considered as agents of their own destiny. Too often, analysis ostensibly focused on the Russo-Ukraine War is in reality mostly a projection of domestic US political divides.
Ironically, such “Americentrism” holds true for some sections of the US left which consider themselves staunch internationalists. This part of the left (what is sometimes called the campist left) rightly recognizes the devastating role that US imperialism has played around the world. But it makes a serious error in reducing all questions and conflicts to a monolithic struggle between two “camps”—the US and its allies, and whoever stands opposed to them. In this view, all governing regimes opposing the interests of the US must be supported in all contexts, even if their state elites also pursue imperialism abroad or severe repression domestically.
In contrast, Liberation Road supports a consistent anti-imperialism. Our stances on international conflict should be guided by the principle of the right of all nations to self-determination, not by a principle that the enemy of our own imperialist class is always and everywhere our friend. US leftists have the task of analyzing the machinations of our state and corporate elites, and opposing their violations of the sovereignty of other countries. But it is also our duty to support the struggles for self-determination and liberation of oppressed peoples everywhere—including struggles against other oppressive state regimes and other sectors of the ruling class. This requires us to closely analyze specific struggles and listen to the demands of movements on the ground.
There are primary and secondary contradictions in all things. In Ukraine self-determination in the face of Russian imperialism is primary. From exploitation, to neoliberalism, to oppression of domestic minorities, Ukraine’s left recognizes how the fight for working class power—and liberation for all oppressed people—is inseparable from the fight for national liberation against Russia’s invasion.
This is not to deny that US imperialism played a secondary role in this conflict. It is true that US-led expansion of NATO over the last thirty years scuttled hope of a more stable and Russia-inclusive security architecture; that the US likely sought to manipulate the Maidan uprising for its own interests; and that the Bush administration’s invocation of anticipatory self-defense to justify its invasion of Iraq created an unfortunate precedent that Russia could point to as cover for its own imperialist aggression.
However, US imperialism cannot be used to justify Russian imperialism. Putin’s regime has repeatedly made clear that it views Ukraine as a "national fiction" that has no right to exist. Russia manipulated the Ukrainian government for many years prior to 2014 and seized Crimea weeks after losing its grip over Kyiv following Maidan. The subsequent 2022 invasion, which unambiguously broke multiple treaties and defied international law, was an act of imperialist aggression with the aim of de facto or de jure annexation of Ukraine and the genocidal erasure of Ukrainians as an independent people with their own culture, language, and history.
The left must oppose all forms of imperialism and all wars of aggression, including by Russia, which is led by a fascist regime and is itself an imperialist power. Acknowledging that Ukraine is in a zone of contested influence between the US and Russia, we must also recognize that Ukraine is an agent of its own will fighting for self-determination against an invasion. Supporting the right of nations to liberation and self-determination has been a bedrock socialist principle for over 100 years.
Liberation Road has been proud to support the work of the Ukraine Solidarity Network from its foundation in 2022. We encourage US leftists to join, read, and sign their mission statement. Most importantly, we encourage US leftists to listen to, learn from, and support the Ukrainian left.
On the heels of the Trump inauguration, as it becomes more likely to see a shift in foreign policy leaving the Ukrainians to fend for themselves, we urge people to hear from socialists in Ukraine. In that spirit, we republish here the text of a resolution recently adopted by Social Movement (Sotsialnyi Rukh), a democratic ecosocialist organization that opposes both conservative nationalism and mainstream liberalism. We stand in solidarity with them.
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Resolution: The Path to Victory and the Tasks of the Ukrainian Left
One of the key decisions of the «Social Movement» (Sotsialnyi Rukh) Conference, which took place in Kyiv on October 5-6, 2024, was the adoption of a Resolution titled «The Path to Victory and the Tasks of the Ukrainian Left».
The text of the Resolution is presented below:
1. An Honest Response to the Challenges of War, Not Hypocritical Politics
The persistent uncertainty surrounding Ukraine’s potential victory stems from the stark contrast between the necessary strategy—mobilizing all available economic resources to support the frontline and critical infrastructure—and the vested interests of the oligarchy. The free market’s prevailing influence has distorted Ukraine’s war economy into a caricature, exacerbating the dangerous luxury amidst widespread poverty.The government’s reluctance to nationalize production capacities, impose significant taxes on large businesses, and redirect the budget towards rearmament makes it possible to prolong the war at the cost of significant human losses and a perpetual state of mobilization.
We believe that the government should initiate a transparent dialogue with the people, outlining achievable goals of the war, and most importantly, introduce a defensive economy or acknowledge the unpreparedness to fight for victory. Moreover, we advocate for ending the uncertainty surrounding the duration of military service, as it is a fundamental matter of fairness. The path to victory lies in achieving technological superiority and adopting a compassionate approach to the people.
The “Social Movement” advocates for the development of the public sector of the economy, subordinated to the priorities of defense and full employment, and defends the rights of conscripts and servicemen for dignified treatment, demobilization after specified terms of service, and rehabilitation.
2. International Solidarity as a Way to Overcome the Crisis of the World Order
The ongoing war in Ukraine is one of the signs of a crisis within the neoliberal world order. It is characterized by the exploitation of poor countries by the rich, unequal access to essential goods, and the prosperity of financial elites at the expense of indebted nations. All these features of the neoliberal system have eroded trust in international law and fueled global polarization.
To fight against Russian aggression and pursue a post-war reconstruction that benefits the working people, we need support from the global community, including humanitarian and military aid. European integration should not serve as a justification for antisocial reforms but should take place on fair grounds, accompanied by improving the welfare of the Ukrainian people and strengthening democracy. We are confident that our ties with leftist movements across Europe will enhance Ukraine’s ability to better defend itself. At the same time, we stand in solidarity with progressive movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in their struggle against imperialism. We condemn the aggressive and occupation policies of other states—be it the oppression of Palestinians by Israel, Kurds by Turkey, or Yemenis by Saudi Arabia. A new architecture of international relations is needed, where there are no privileges for “great powers,” G7, or permanent members of the UN Security Council; the voices of the peoples from the periphery are heard.
The “Social Movement” advocates for nuclear disarmament, interaction with left-wing forces that recognize Ukraine’s right to self-defense, and supports the struggle of other nations for liberation.
3. Building a “Ukraine for All” as a Space for Solidarity and Security
Although the war against an external enemy was supposed to unite the people of Ukraine, in reality, shameful attempts are being made to divide Ukrainians into “true ones” and “false ones,” Instead of uniting as many people as possible around ideas of justice, freedom, and solidarity, conflicts within society are being provoked. There are manifestations of linguistic chauvinism, justification of hostility towards national minorities, the queer community, and fostering ideological uniformity. This will not only hinder the global fight against Russian imperialism but will complicate the reintegration of occupied territories.
Establishing equality is impossible without overcoming social vulnerability. Conversely, the state’s reduction of social spending and irresponsible deregulation are already affecting the resilience of society. It is time to abandon policies that exacerbate inequality. Demands for women’s emancipation, inclusive spaces for people with disabilities, and support for victims of far-right violence can strengthen Ukraine’s ability to resist tyranny both externally and internally. Proving our humanity means gaining an advantage over the aggressor.
The “Social Movement” will oppose policies that divide society and will protect social rights as a prerequisite for affirming human dignity. We will demand full state control over the protection of lives and the well-being of workers, who are at greater risk than ever.
4. Ecosocialist Transformation — The Key to Survival
Russia’s eco-terrorism, combined with years of large-scale, predatory exploitation of natural resources by domestic oligarchs and the authorities’ neglect of environmental protection, poses a threat to Ukraine’s ecosystems, including its biodiversity, clean water resources, soil fertility, and the health and lives of the population. The war and the anti-environmental policy of capital negatively affects impoverished and discriminated groups, increasing their vulnerability.
We emphasize the need to harmonize social production and ecological reproduction based on the principles of ecosocialism. The green transition, first and foremost, should be fair, taking into account the interests of the workforce by creating new jobs, retraining workers, and ensuring social guarantees and compensation for those who may lose their jobs due to the closure of enterprises. Efficient use of energy resources requires a reduction in working hours, and the nationalization of energy companies will allow rational capacity management free from commercial influences. We support small family farmers for food security and agricultural greening, the idea of deprivatizing common resources, and staunchly oppose monopolistic agroholdings that destroy the ecosystem.
The “Social Movement” will work together with trade unions and other progressive public organizations to develop a program of transformations that meet the long-term interests of workers, farmers, and other vulnerable segments of the Ukrainian population in the context of production, ecology, and energy.
5. Workers Bore the Burden of the War, Therefore They Deserve a Voice
Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, the working class has been at the heart of resistance, both on the frontlines and in the rear. Unfortunately, in conditions where the main burden of the war has been shifted to the working class, there is no left-wing political force in Ukraine that would voice the issues inherent to working people and act on the principles of inclusive democracy. Under the realities of oligarchic capitalism, restrictions on freedoms often serve the interests of the elites.
To build an ecosocial, independent Ukraine of equal rights and opportunities, there is a need for a political democratic platform that will unite workers and other oppressed groups, representing their interests in politics, including participation in elections. We are open to collaborating with political parties that share our vision. The sooner a competitive political process is restored, the sooner trust in the state will be regained. Corruption, censorship, and other abuses by officials undermine the defense efforts. The most effective remedy against these ills is the democratic renewal of power. Freedom is the foundation of security for all citizens.
The “Social Movement” advocates for the restoration of electoral rights, the right to peaceful assembly and workers’ strikes, and the abolition of all restrictions on labor and social rights.
Countries around the world have been beginning to see the writing on the wall, that Pax Americana is coming to an end, and the political calculations to secure their capitalist national interests are changing. Countries like Russia and Israel are opting for aggressive regional imperialism. We'll likely see more local gangsterism from capitalist countries with right wing governments, as the unique diplomatic, military and economic power of the US to enforce an order it finds profitable for US business interests, wanes. But neither US-led veiled-imperialism of the last 50 years, nor a return to the open imperialism of the 100 years before that, is the way forward. We need real egalitarian international governance mechanisms that can deliver economic infrastructure and universal security architecture that is created and in the interest of the majority of the worlds people. Strengthening the ICC is one step. Strengthening the UN and doing away with the permanent security council is another. A third step is democratizing the governance of the IMF and World Bank, so they are run like a public bank rather than a private business with a system of vote-purchasing.
Well said! This year marks the 80th anniversary of a horrible world war that left 50+ million people dead. The military defeat of fascism established the principle that borders cannot be changed through violence. I can’t understand how anyone who calls themselves leftist can support or excuse Putin’s murderous invasion of Ukraine.